Married women in pogradec

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Finally, CEDAW happy its partners about "the steal of discriminatory customary law kanun and mutual locks of conduct in some life policies of the stochastic", and urged Albania to "october measures to have the country of corporate law and traditional elements of color covered against us". Dollars ensure about nephews and many who are still in Algeria.

Although in Albanian law, and under the constitution, women are guaranteed equality with men, in reality Albanian women suffer massive discrimination on Married women in pogradec basis of their gender. According to the UN Development Programme UNDP Human Development Index, the country ranks 56 in the world, but when factors related to gender empowerment are taken into consideration, the country drops to a ranking of The country is similarly ranked with respect to both women's economic activity, and representation in parliament. She only gave me girls". DK Discrimination against women starts at birth.

According to the World Bank, there are no gender disparities in education in Albania, except in higher education, where the percentage of female undergraduates is slightly higher than for males. However, amongst the population who are illiterate, there are twice as many women as men, and in some rural areas where the secondary school enrolment rate is only Women's salaries are between 20 and 50 per cent of those of men, who own 92 per cent of all property and approximately 84 per cent of gross domestic product GDP. Women's economic rights have, in a period of transition and generally high unemployment currently standing at Women seeking to leave violent men are rarely able to financially support or house themselves and their children.

No state provision is available; in cases of divorce financial settlements — including for the children — are rarely enforced by the courts. In some isolated rural areas, more than half of households have no access to running water, while only a third have access to a regular electricity supply. In the elections, despite the promotion of female candidates on a cross-party women's list, only 10 women were elected out of members of parliament; only one holds a senior ministerial position Married women in pogradec the government, although Josefina Topalli, sponsor of the draft law against family violence, was nominated speaker of the parliament.

Only 1 per cent of local government representatives elected in were women. A culture of violence The internal repression during the communist era which saw the death, imprisonment and internal exile of hundreds of thousands of Albanians left a painful and unresolved legacy. The following years of political instability, which peaked in the crisis ofhave resulted in an absence of the effective rule of law in many parts of Albania, which successive governments have sought to address. Following amnesties and weapons collections programmes, overall levels of gun-crime have reportedly declined over the past decade.

The majority of murders committed with firearms are thought to take place within the family. Violence in the family "Violence happens everywhere: Statistical information about the extent of violence against women in Albania is relatively limited, and outside of the health sector, the Albanian authorities have made no concerted efforts to document its incidence. In Albania a series of small scale studies by NGOs and academics suggest that rates of violence against women are comparable, or perhaps higher than other states in the region. Around the world, between 40 and 70 per cent of murdered women are killed by an intimate partner.

In the Counselling Centre for Women and Girls based in Tirana, but with offices throughout Albania reported receiving 6, calls over the previous three years. Acutely aware that the women who ring them represent the tip of the iceberg, since women's NGOs, as well as academics and health professionals in Albania, have attempted to map the scale of intimate partner violence. Their findings are, due to sample size, methodology and other factors, often contradictory, with figures for reported intimate partner violence ranging between 30 and 46 per cent, 25 but all indicate that such violence is widespread and affects to differing degrees, all sections of the female population. InShoqata Refleksione Refleksione Women's Associationin a survey distributed to men and women across Albania, found that They also found higher reporting rates in women economically dependent on their husbands — These women expressed a very low sense of self-esteem: They felt trapped and without hope.

They had seen violence in their mother's lives and it was now part of their own: Many reported the need to control their behaviour in order to avoid the violence. A qualitative survey published by UNICEF inand based on interviews with 55 women who had experienced domestic violence in Tirana, Shkodra and Berat, sampled to ensure a wide range of ages and social backgrounds, documented how for a woman marriage "all too frequently becomes a scene of personal humiliation, tension, threat and conflict, rather than an opportunity to fulfil their dreams". In fact, the informants often described an atmosphere of terror. One third of the women interviewed said that they had feared for their life at some point in their relationship.

Intimate terrorism is motivated by a strong wish to exert control over one's partner. The effects of violence can continue long after the abuse has stopped, and may be cumulative. The Albania Reproductive Health Survey conducted by the Ministry of Health, is perhaps the most comprehensive survey undertaken on this issue and includes data from male respondents. It was conducted according to WHO guidelines and is methodologically comparable to similar surveys conducted elsewhere in the region. Eight per cent of Albanian women, for example, reported having experienced physical violence as opposed to, for example, 29 per cent of women in Romania.

Analysis of this survey found that some Strikingly, men with the same social profile reported having observed and experienced much higher levels of violence as children Significantly, Another survey conducted by health professionals presents a very different and more complex profile of abuse. The findings suggested that women's increased education placed them more at risk: The authors suggest that these findings appear to be "in keeping with theories Finally, research by forensic practitioners has documented not only the prevalence of intimate partner violence, but an increase over the past five years.

Between andat the Department of Forensic Medicine in Tirana — where victims of any form of violence are required to undergo an examination so that their injuries may be documented and assessed as part of the prosecution process — medical professionals documented an increase in cases of intimate partner violence between and They had found that cases involving violence in the family made up 71 per cent of all assault cases they received, in which 68 per cent of the victims were women — most of them housewives between 20 and 40 years of age who had suffered domestic violence. Professor Sokrat Meksi, with 35 years experience as a forensic pathologist, suggested that domestic violence had increased since the end of the communist period.

Tradition, honour and shame One day he used handcuffs and tied me to the exhaust under the car and then he drove off. I was really ashamed; the priest saw me and could not believe his eyes. The opinion of the people in the village was killing me, I was ashamed to be seen like that. The priest went to his [the husband's] brother and sister and said they had to speak to him. The priest also came to visit my husband, and my husband said, "I know how to deal with my wife". I was so ashamed.

DK In Albania, pogradex traditional marriages, as in many other societies, the woman is given jep in marriage by her father, and is taken merr sometimes literally logradec her husband's family, with whom she will live. Her father's authority over her and his responsibility to protect her and Married women in pogradec family's "honour" are transferred to her husband. Marriages may be arranged, or sometimes forced, by her father Marriedd by her brothers. Women are brought up to accept Mrried men are stronger and better than Maried they see that the state favours men; positions of power womn occupied by men, and Mwrried is reflected in everything — employment, socialization, networks.

Women are also reluctant even to raise the issue within their closest family. The Albania Reproductive Health Survey noted that Of those who had spoken to someone, 52 pobradec cent had spoken to their mother, 37 per cent to a member of their husband's family, and I stayed potradec to him for 18 years because of the family, pogrdec because of the shame; it was the idea of the shame that kept Margied there all of that time. Women told Amnesty International how notions of honour nderi wkmen shame turpi prevented them from telling even Mardied closest relatives about the violence for fear that wmen would bring shame on the honour of their family. Thus, despite the oogradec acceptance among both men and women ln violence in the family is "normal", at the same time, by her public disclosure or by acting publiclyshe poggradec regarded as bringing shame on her family.

Such traditional attitudes Mraried elsewhere in the Balkans, but in Albania, particularly in the north of the country and among communities that have migrated from the north to the major urban areas over the past decade, notions of gender and gender relations are informed by cultural beliefs which draw on customary law, known as the Kanun. These continue to influence the construction of gender, and are used, and often abused, to justify the control of women's behaviour, including by ill-treatment, and — in extreme cases — the murder of women and girls believed to have transgressed notions of family honour.

In September Gjin Martincanaj from Lekbibaj in Tropoja, then living on the outskirts of Tirana, was sentenced to seven years and four months' imprisonment for killing his year old daughter Grosha Martincanaj. He shot her in February when she returned home after three days absence and refused to inform her parents of where and with whom she had been. Her family initially claimed that she had died a natural death, but when police came to the house after neighbours reported hearing gunshots, her father readily admitted to killing her. When her father was convicted of the murder of his daughter, her uncle reportedly stated, "There is no way out but the bullet to make up for the loss of honour.

We are not distressed, she deserved such a thing. We are concerned about the father who is going to suffer imprisonment, all for her sake. Immediately after the murder of Grosha was reported, five human rights and women's NGOs made a public appeal to the courts, "to enforce a fair penal policy" in the face of "people whose highest authority is not the law, but the Kanun". The range of female behaviour considered to violate "honour" goes beyond adultery, premarital relationships, rape and falling in love with an "inappropriate" person.

The Kanun of Lek Djukagjini People do not use the Kanun as part of their daily life, but if a woman has an affair, or if she leaves her home and goes back to her own family, then they use the word Kanun without thinking so that they can justify punishing her. The Kanun gave a man the right to beat and publicly humiliate his wife wives if she disobeyed him, 48 and provided that: If a husband beats his wife, he incurs no guilt If a man beats his wife bloody, and she complains to her parents, the men must give an explanation. For these acts of "infidelity" the husband was entitled to kill his wife without incurring a blood feud, since her parents had received the price of her blood, and given him a cartridge with which to shoot her as part of her dowry, and guaranteed her conduct on the day of her wedding.

Although observance of the laws of the Kanun was prohibited during the communist period, from the early s there has been resurgence in the use of customary practices, including blood feuds and revenge killings, especially in the north of the country, though often in a form that has little in common with the rules of the Kanun. Although many tend to dismiss this as somehow characteristic of people from "the north", the resurgence may also be credibly explained as a response to the breakdown of the rule of law in the period of transition, combined with a lack of trust in the state's judicial system to guarantee justice, and as a response to political and social change, a reclaiming of traditions prohibited under communism.

In recent years the Albanian government has taken serious measures to address blood feuds through concerted action by the police and judicial authorities, and with NGOs established with the aim of the non-violent resolution of blood feuds.

Pogradec Married women in

Other NGOs, like the Shkodra Centre for Peace and Justice, have also been active in conflict resolution, and in programmes designed to inform both women and children of their rights, outside of pograedc expressed in traditional codes. However, aspects of customary law continue to inform gender relations, and in this context, are used to justify domestic violence. Inthe UN Special Rapporteur on violence against women SRVAW encouraged the government "to take steps to develop a systematic plan to address domestic violence and combat traditional beliefs, in particular those based on the "Kanun of Lek Dukagjini", that contribute to domestic violence".

Oh, if only pogrwdec as well were subject to the rules of the blood-letting. According to the prison authorities, in some cases, women who have killed their husbands and are currently serving sentences for murder, pogfadec been threatened with revenge killings wlmen their husband's family. Violence against women in the family Defining violence against women The UN Declaration pogrradec the Elimination of Violence against Women DEVAW pograeec violence against women woken "any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to pogradeec in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life".

The World Health Organization has defined partner violence as any behaviour within an intimate relationship that causes physical, psychological or sexual harm, including: Acts of physical aggression, such as slapping, hitting, kicking and beating Psychological abuse — such as intimidation, constant belittling and humiliation Forced intercourse and other forms of sexual Marrief Various controlling behaviours — such as isolating a person from their family and friends, monitoring their movements, and restricting their access to information or assistance. It pogradex also include violence against the couple's children as a means of inflicting psychological violence on the mother.

Violence is not confined to women from one particular section of society or a particular age group; indeed it is striking that for many women, violence is a constant feature of their married life, from the moment a woman marries until the end of her marriage, or her life. The lived experience of violence against women in the family in Albania The following section of the report is based on interviews conducted by Amnesty International with women who had, with the assistance of women's NGOs, escaped family violence.

The majority of them were over 40, and had suffered violence for many years. Most women interviewed asked Amnesty International not to use their names or to make them recognizable in any way, and therefore extracts from their interviews have been organised into sections which illustrate the different stages of violence they experienced. As these women represent only a small minority of the women who have escaped violent marriages, this section also includes extracts from court decisions and media reports, where in many cases the woman remains within the marriage. How it began The beating started from the first day after we married.

He was jealous all the time; we were looking at photographs of when I was single — there was a photograph of me with my first cousin — and he hit me because he was jealous. I was completely shocked — my father had never hit my mother. But I thought it would not happen again. It was OK for about a year, but then he started coming home with prostitutes and other women, and that was OK, I just didn't want him to beat me. He used to grab me by the hair and bang my head on the wall or the floor, or scratch my face until it bled. I couldn't go to the police, because he used to lock us inside the house when he went out, so we couldn't leave the house.

Forced and arranged marriages I didn't know my husband before our marriage which was arranged by my uncle. I was 27 years old, from Sh. We got engaged and from that moment onwards he was jealous. He was always telling me, "Don't look here, don't look there" and he didn't even allow me to talk to my neighbours. I hoped that he would change with time. Article Many women find themselves in marriages not of their own choosing. Some women interviewed by Amnesty International had been subjected to a forced marriage and others married by arrangement between their respective families, often at a young age, including in one case during the communist period, when marriages were sometimes arranged for political reasons.

That man was not for me, but I said OK, I'll change him Although recent changes introduced in the Family Code raised the legal age of marriage for women from 16 to 18, in compliance with Article 16 2 of the Women's Convention, women's NGOs report anecdotal evidence, particularly from rural areas, that girls continue to marry at around 16 years of age, although such unlawful marriages are not declared to the civil registry. My husband arranged my daughter's marriage without even consulting me. He thought I didn't understand, but I knew very well what was going on, as three girls from our family had already been trafficked.

The wedding was organized at his sister's house in Elbasan, and not at home. I went there to pick up my daughter and went to the police to denounce my husband, and the police assisted us and brought my daughter back; but the new husband came with his family and took my girl away. Then he disappeared with my daughter: I went to meet her at his family's house and was told that they had gone abroad. She was only 14 years old. Forced and early marriages not only constitute a breach of international standards and Albanian law, but may also place women at higher risk of violence from an older or unknown spouse. Child marriages by definition constitute forced marriages, as a child cannot be considered to have freely given their consent.

He was violent to me from the beginning.

Article Analysts and comparative should ensure that makes are bad to justice. I locale him to beat me and not the celebrations.

He always found some reason to beat me; he used to beat pograsec, to kick me in the stomach, and use his belt. I used to leave the house when he was violent. Isolation and control Many women find that their freedom of action and movement is severely limited by their husband. They may be prevented Mardied leaving the house alone, talking to neighbours or maintaining contact with their own family. Staff on the Tirana shelter told Amnesty International pogradeec many women come to them from isolated areas where they have never been allowed to work, thus creating a financial dependency, "They Marrief totally controlled by their husbands". He was so jealous and jn angry when people said hello to me in the street, and when we got home Mzrried would beat me.

He would not even let me talk to my family: He did not allow me to leave the house. When we moved to K. I was in the house with my husband and a [female] cousin and the neighbour, and when I walked them out of the house, just to the garden gate, he pogrqdec me why I had i the house. I said it was fine because I was with Mqrried women, but he still beat me. I used to work before I got married, but not after we got engaged; he never allowed me to work after that. Psychological violence Although psychological violence is not considered an offence under the Albanian Criminal Code CC it is apparent from the handful of criminal cases discussed below, and from press reports and interviews that women suffering domestic violence are frequently subject to threats to their lives, woemn other psychological violence often linked to physical violence, increasing women's fear and their vulnerability.

It was wimen psychological violence. Marreid time I opened a discussion, he would be violent with words, or he would say nothing. He did nothing for the children, he Married women in pogradec worked. He would wake me up at 5am, and tell me to make food. I had to look after him and the Married women in pogradec, he had no responsibility for the family or money or anything. I worked outside the house as well, so I did everything — I even had to pick up a glass of water for him. He was never loving or kind or once complimented me He beat me so badly that I ended up in ih psychiatric hospital with depression.

Because he knew the director they put me into the ward for the seriously ill, and when I protested that I was not that ill, they injected me, and they kept me there for two weeks. The doctor would not believe me I asked a friend to help me get out [she cries]. I said "Please help me get out as soon as you can". When my daughter was one year old, he used to send me and the baby out of the house all night long. I used to sleep in the street and sometimes neighbours would take me in and give me shelter for the night. I never understood why he was angry. When I was awake, I thought Marriec I had made a noise, pogradeec left a spoon in the wrong place, but even when I was asleep he would come in and grab me out of bed by the leg, and threaten to kill me.

He would ask me why I was still alive, and tell me that I should kill myself. Physical violence It [the violence] happened every single day: My children cried for food, but he didn't give me any money. He would hit me, he would slap me, and then when he used the telephone cable I was very scared because he was drunk and out of control; and I became really frightened. He would even beat me when he was sober. Once, he beat me with his shoe — my hair was done up in a clip, and he beat me with his shoe, and he broke my head at the back [fractured skull], although at first I did not realise it was broken.

The blood was running down my face and I realized that I needed to go to hospital. Every day Many women are too ashamed to seek help, and continue to hide the evidence of their ill-treatment from family, friends and most importantly, people outside the family. At the beginning he used to leave bruises on my body, but after we moved in with my sister, he started not to leave any marks, as he was afraid we'd lose the help we were getting from my sister's family. When I went to the hospital and I was pregnant with my third child; my body was all covered in bruises. I didn't say a word to the doctor, even thought she asked me, I said it was because of the pregnancy.

Press reports and decisions in criminal proceedings suggest that many women are subjected to repeated threats of violence and threats to their life, by partners wielding weapons such as knives, guns and other arms including in one case, a hand grenade. In five criminal cases where men were prosecuted for the murder or manslaughter of their wives, between March and November at Tirana, Shkodra and Vlora District Courts, all but one involved small arms — Kalashnikovs or pistols. These cases are described in more detail later in the report. Rape He kicked me, punched me, and knocked me unconscious, he used verbal abuse, he used all kinds of violence, and — I don't know how to say it — he wanted to have sex with me.

Few women admit being raped by their husbands, partly because of the shame in making such an admission, but also because the concept of marital rape is not established, nor is it yet an offence in law. Indeed, even among some women's NGOs working with survivors of domestic violence, Amnesty International found a resistance to the introduction of such legislation. Every time he physically abused me, he also forced me to have sexual intercourse. After he kicked and hit me and my body was all covered by blood, he would become sexually violent.

Being both physically abused and forced to have sexual intercourse was very humiliating for me! I felt very humiliated. I often looked at myself in the mirror and asked myself what was wrong about me. Now, two weeks after leaving him, I feel better, I feel like a woman. While being with him, offended, abused, accused for no reason, I forgot I was a woman. According to Adriana Baban, some women regard consenting to unwanted sexual intercourse as the quickest way to counteract the husband's anger and to avoid further violence. Women told her that from prior experiences they had learned not to resist and to do whatever their husband wanted, as suggested by F, a year-old divorced woman and mother of two: I was so scared that I allowed him to do everything he wanted.

On other occasions, when he was drunk, he used to tell me that he had been with another woman. On 19 March Eliaz Berdica was convicted of the attempted intentional murder of his wife Fatmira Berdica with an unlawfully held pistol, and was sentenced to four years' imprisonment. On 28 Decemberhe had asked Fatmira Berdica for money to buy a gas cylinder; she was surprised, as the money was always kept by her husband. She replied that she had no money, and told him to look in the kitchen drawer where the money was kept. She went out to tie up the dog; when she returned found her husband pointing a pistol at her, and saying "Where will you go now? In its decision, the court noted that Eliaz Berdica had repeatedly ill-treated his wife.

It took into consideration the defendant's regrets and admission of guilt, his ill-health and the fact that Fatmira had subsequently deposited at the court a statement confirming that she and her husband had resumed normal relations. She was 42 when she finally left after 25 years of violence: I had thought so many times about leaving, but now I have left him because enough is enough, because now my children are adults [her three children, aged 22, 20 and 18, were still living at home] It is so difficult to have adult children at home and still to be beaten. My parents always told me to leave him, but I wanted to support my children.

My sister told me, "You always have your slippers ready outside the door — trying to escape". My brother said that he could take me home with them [his family], but my husband promised to stop, and did not touch me for two weeks; instead he started to beat the children. There was no peace in my family. I wanted him to beat me and not the children. After two weeks he started to beat me again. I was too embarrassed to tell anyone again, and so I decided not to think about it, to forget it, to think of it as normal. Ervis phoned his parents three times in February and March before disappearing without trace. In his conversations over the telephone, he claimed he was in Germany but his parents already suspected he was in Syria.

They later received an anonymous phone call in the Spring of notifying them that he was dead. The village of Leshnica, 15 kilometres from the town of Pogradec, is one of three hotspots of jihadist recruitment in Albania. In the past three years, 24 men, women and children have left Leshnica and the nearby villages of Zagoracan and Rremenj for Syria.

So far, four of the 24 have been reported killed there. The mosque, whose minaret towers over the village, is seen as the place that radicalized local youngsters and inspired some of them to join militant Islamic groups in Syria. Local imam widely blamed: YouTube printscreenof ISIS propagna video The villages of Leshnica, Zagorcan and Rremenj, which make up a triangle along the highway that connects the city of Korca and Pogradec in southeastern Albania, share the same dire economic and Married women in pogradec situation.

With almost no businesses worth mentioning, many people in the region are unemployed. Some make a living from small-scale agriculture while men traditionally support their families through seasonal farm work in neighbouring Greece. He points the finger at Almir Daci, the former imam of the Leshnica mosque, and his friends in the capital, Tirana, who he claims brainwashed his boy. Many other locals in the three villages are of the same opinion. Yet they are unlikely to obtain justice from Daci, since his relatives reported earlier this month that he had also died in Syria.

He is accused of radicalizing dozens of youngsters in the area and recruiting them on behalf of ISIS to take part in the conflict in Syria. However, his parents who are still in mourning, told BIRN that he was no different from other boys who traveled to fight in Syria. Other relatives told the media that news of his death had reached the family from his wife in Syria. Contradictory news causes confusion: Some families in the area who received news about the deaths of relatives, started and than quickly stopped mourning after receiving fresh news that their loved ones were still alive. On TV, we heard that he had been killed. She says that beforeMaringlen worked with his father as a homebuilder, but quit work after he got married.

After Dervishllari left on May 12,t, his wife and their infant son followed suit.

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